Why EU recognition of Palestine isn’t enough

If the European Union wants to play a more active role in Israel-Palestine peacemaking it should first articulate a common policy and decide whether it can continue playing second fiddle to Washington.

By Charalampos Tsitsopoulos

EU Foreign Policy Chief Federica Mogherini with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem, July 11, 2014. (EU Photo)
EU Foreign Policy Chief Federica Mogherini with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem, July 11, 2014. (EU Photo)

Much has been made of recent European initiatives to symbolically recognize a Palestinian state in pre-1967 borders. On December 17, 2014, a European Parliament resolution supported “in principle recognition of Palestinian statehood.” The move followed similar resolutions in individual European parliaments in previous months. Meanwhile, there was no shortage of commendation for European recognitions, welcomed by the Arab League as a measure that will “undoubtedly put pressure” on Israel.

While far from speaking with one voice, the Europeans at least seemed to agree on basic common denominators for their regional policies, something no shortage of observers have described as vital if Europe is to advance stability in the region. Articulating coordinated policies would also signify something else: that Europe has come a long way from its eternal policy of playing ‘second fiddle’ to the United States.

Yet, hailing Europe’s supposed resurrection ignores the deeper question of the efficiency and impact of its actions. Are Europe’s recent initiatives a renewed push for bolstering the resolution of the conflict? Have Europeans calculated the potential impact their actions have on regional stakeholders? Or are these merely a fig leaf meant to conceal the absence of true progress in Israel/Palestine? It would be hard to ignore the latter. And here is why:

Europe’s approach does not seem to be particularly nuanced. Had it wished to play a constructive role in the region, it could have formulated a clear objective and a strategy for achieving it. True, the EU Parliament resolution talks about two states living side by side in security and under international law. But this in itself is simply a repetition of what every institution and individual hoping for a two-state solution has said for decades: one could hardly be accused of pedantry for expecting a more sophisticated approach from the EU. For example, the Resolution calls settlements “illegal under international law”. That’s hardly a surprise. But what exactly is it proposing?

A look at recent policy pronouncements shows that the EU rarely hesitates before throwing its weight behind policies and proposals that appear even slightly tenable. For example, it sanguinely supported John Kerry’s peace before the details of his plan were revealed to anyone. They were eventually leaked to Israeli journalist Nahum Barnea.

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry speaks with EU Foreign Policy Chief Federica Mogherini,September 26, 2014. (State Dept Photo)
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry speaks with EU Foreign Policy Chief Federica Mogherini,September 26, 2014. (State Dept Photo)

The EU’s efficiency is consistently beset by its lack of a clear vision for the region, manifested recently when its member states could not form a united policy in the Geneva II negotiations on Syria. In addition, the union hasn’t taken a clear stand as Russia turns to EU-hopeful Turkey as the former attempts to expand alternative markets to mitigate the EU sanctions it’s facing.

Others speculate that the EU is merely playing subcontractor for the US. Faced with an increasingly intransigent Prime Minister Netanyahu, the U.S. is presumed by some to have turned to the EU, Israel’s chief trading partner, as an alternative channel for exerting pressure. But that is not an appropriate strategy, according to Israeli journalist Michael Karpin, who believes it would be better for the EU to stay away from the driver’s seat. And with US peace initiatives stalled once again, why would anybody put money on an identical initiative put forth by the Europeans?

In addition, when it comes to the Middle East/Mediterranean, the EU suffers from a significant communication deficit. It has consistently failed to clearly get its messages across to regional populations. For example, an “unprecedented” package offered to both Israelis and Palestinians in December 2013 in exchange for a peace agreement went unnoticed by 86 percent of Israelis. When compounded with the fact that there has been no EU Middle East envoy since January 2014, the sense of dissonance between how and what the EU is seeking in Israel is amplified. Israelis have a growing perception that Europe is obsessed with their country, with some even viewing it as hostile and naively oblivious to the region’s dangers.

Finally, and most importantly, the Palestinian leadership does not have a common state-building agenda behind which the EU can throw its weight. While Gaza is nominally under the control of a technocratic reconciliation government, Hamas is still in charge of security and has dismissed laying down its arms as nonsensical. The group has come out against Abbas’ recent efforts at the UN in the harshest terms. And if the stalled UN-supervised Gaza reconstruction effort does not get under way soon, another round of violence may not be far off.

To say that Europe is bracing for a more active role in the Israeli/Palestinian conflict stretches credulity. And if it is going in that direction, a clear articulation of the union’s goals in the region would be more than welcome. But a blurred geopolitical outlook, diverging priorities and deference to the U.S. on core issues will not put the EU on a path to advancing or taking part in any brokered conciliation.

Charalampos Tsitsopoulos is a freelance journalist writing on the Eastern Mediterranean. He holds a BA in Communications from the University of Athens, Greece and an MSc in Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies from the University  of Edinburgh, UK. He can be reached at c.tsitsopoulos@gmail.com

Related:
Israeli petition to European lawmakers: Recognize Palestine
How EU money enables the occupation
Is Eastern Europe the next front for fighting the occupation?

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