In partnership with
There is no escaping the fact that, as Palestinians inside Israel, we live in a harsh reality. Since the October 7 massacre, we have watched a war of expulsion and annihilation against the people of Gaza and an occupation in the West Bank that grows more violent by the day. And as Israeli society’s descent into fascism only accelerates, we face the threat of a similar fate to those in the occupied territories, while also contending with the government’s discriminatory socioeconomic policies that harm us and other marginalized groups.
Among the Arab public, there are those who operate in the political arena in order to protest this reality and express our collective rage, and there are those who seek to organize the community to fight for its rights against an establishment that is becoming increasingly violent and racist. Both of these are legitimate and worthy efforts.
But if we wish to bring about real change in this land — toward an end to the occupation, equality between Jews and Arabs, and peace between Israel and the Palestinian people — we need to offer a political model of an entirely different order. That is why I, along with hundreds of other Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel, signed a statement (published in Haaretz on Jan. 23) calling for the establishment of a new Jewish-Arab political party.
Already in the first hours after publishing the statement, we began to encounter criticism, some of it even angry. One entirely valid argument is that a Jewish-Arab party already exists: the Democratic Front for Peace and Equality, or Hadash.
True, Hadash — which was established by the Communist Party of Israel in 1976 — has an internationalist ideology, and its list of parliamentarians includes Arabs and Jews. I myself was born and raised in a communist household, and for most of my adult life, Hadash has been my political home. Toward this party, and especially toward a large part of its active membership, I have feelings of affection and comradeship.
Over the years, however, I encountered the limitations of Hadash, mainly with regard to its activity among the Jewish public: In practice, it has given up on mass Jewish recruitment.
Since the establishment of the National Democratic Alliance, or Balad, in 1996, Hadash has faced greater competition over the Arab vote. Naturally, this competition changed Hadash’s practice — its discourse and its manner of addressing audiences — even if not its foundational principles. At times, too, it lacks sensitivity toward the Jewish public in a manner that prevents broad outreach.
There are additional problems with the parties representing Palestinian citizens — not only Hadash and Balad, but also the United Arab List (or Ra’am) and Ta’al. The traditional (and especially male-dominated) structure, alongside the small number of young people in leadership, alienates broad segments of the Arab public. We must ask why less than half of Arab women and only around one-quarter of those aged 18-24 go out to vote, and what kind of alternative political message will bring them to the polls en masse.
Another critique suggests that as long as we live in a reality of apartheid and genocide, a Jewish-Arab party is nothing but a reproduction of the existing power relations. According to this approach, what is required is for Jewish Israelis to accept Palestinian leadership in the existing parties.
However, this critique ignores a fundamental question: Who will act in order to change the current political reality inside Israel? Can we rely on Trump or the international community to do this?
We argue that joint, Arab-Jewish leadership is itself a challenge to the existing order that we seek to shake up. In this context, it is also appropriate to wonder: Why in Israeli civil society organizations such as Sikkuy, Hand in Hand, and Abraham Initiatives, is Jewish-Arab partnership in leadership considered essential, whereas in a Jewish-Arab party it is invalid?
Finally, quite a few people accused us of threatening to “burn votes” and sabotage the effort to overthrow the Netanyahu government. One can understand this concern, especially after the November 2022 election in which Meretz and Balad were short of passing the electoral threshold by a few thousand votes, preventing the entry of eight Knesset members who could have changed the entire political picture.
However, while the proposed Jewish-Arab party has not yet been established, its initiators — Ghadir Hani and Maoz Inon — have welcomed the Arab parties’ recent pledge to revive the Joint List, as part of the wider effort to replace the current Kahanist government. “From our perspective it is completely clear that we must act responsibly and not take steps that would endanger this result,” they wrote to signatories of the statement, hinting that they would not run for the Knesset if the Joint List is indeed re-established.
Building a shared political home for Jews and Palestinians is a long-term task, and will certainly extend beyond the current election cycle. But it is up to us to take this initiative; we cannot rely on external powers. We will join hands with all who will strive with us to challenge the existing order.
A version of this article was first published in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here.
